Ανορθωτικό Κόμμα Εργαζόμενου Λαού (AKEL – Progressive Party of Working People)
EU RANK: 85 (Tier 2: High Performance)
AKEL is a left‑wing, historically communist‑origin party representing organised labour, public‑sector workers and parts of the urban middle class, and is one of Cyprus’s two major parties. It has governed at the presidential level and remains a central actor in parliament and local authorities, strongly pro‑welfare, pro‑rights and supportive of a federal solution to the Cyprus problem.
Disinformation and alternative media
AKEL operates a traditional party media ecosystem, including the daily Haravgi, online portals and associated broadcasters, alongside heavy use of social media. Its messaging is strongly ideological—emphasising workers’ rights, social justice, peace and anti‑fascism—but not characterised by conspiratorial or anti‑science narratives.
Our research notes that AKEL outlets have sometimes been criticised for partisan framing and sharp attacks on opponents, but systematic campaigns of fabricated news comparable to far‑right disinformation hubs are not documented. Disinformation/alternative‑media risk is low–medium.
Foreign influence and external alignments
AKEL is firmly pro‑EU membership but more critical than centrist parties of EU economic governance, austerity and NATO policies. It maintains historical sympathies with left movements internationally and has expressed a more nuanced or sceptical line on sanctions and confrontation with Russia than other Cypriot parties, stressing peace and non‑alignment while condemning aggression in principle.
This posture increases vulnerability to narrative overlaps with Russian state messaging on issues such as NATO, sanctions and the Ukraine war, even without evidence of direct operational ties or funding. Foreign‑influence DMI risk is medium.
Media capture, advertising and public service media
AKEL’s influence over media structures is more limited than that of right‑of‑centre parties with closer ties to business and banking, but its long‑standing party outlets give it a stable communication base. In government it has been cautious about direct intervention in RIK, but critics argue it has at times supported appointments favourable to its worldview, though less aggressively than some rivals.
There is little evidence of AKEL using state advertising or public‑company contracts to build an oligarchic media bloc; rather, it depends on traditional party press and negotiated access to mainstream channels. Media‑capture risk is low–medium.
Corruption, litigation and institutional integrity
Litigation records show relatively few high‑profile corruption cases directly implicating AKEL’s national leadership in the 2015–2025 period compared to scandals centred on other parties. However, AKEL figures have been involved in some local‑level controversies, including municipal governance and public‑sector appointments, reflecting Cyprus’s broader clientelist environment.
AKEL’s strong connection to unions and public enterprises creates risks of politicised appointments and resistance to structural reforms, but also provides internal oversight and mobilisation capacities against overt corruption. Overall corruption and institutional‑integrity risk is medium.
Press freedom, harassment and treatment of media
AKEL generally supports media freedom and has opposed attempts to intimidate journalists who investigate corruption and far‑right extremism, including ELAM. Party outlets sometimes engage in aggressive polemics, but AKEL leaders rarely call for punitive measures against critical media or question the legitimacy of journalism as such.
Our research records AKEL’s support for strengthening RIK’s public‑service remit and for protecting journalists covering protests and labour disputes. Press‑freedom and harassment DMI risk is low–medium.