ANO 2011

EU RANK: 146 (Tier 4: Low Performance)

ANO 2011 is a centrist‑populist movement founded and long dominated by billionaire Andrej Babiš, combining technocratic rhetoric with strong personal leadership and extensive control over business and media. It has been the largest party in recent elections and led governments from 2014 to 2021, remaining a major opposition force.

Disinformation and alternative media

ANO benefits from the media assets formerly owned by Babiš (Mafra group, including major newspapers and online portals) and from friendly coverage in parts of commercial TV, even after formal ownership transfers to trust funds. While these outlets rarely spread outright fabricated stories, they have been shown to systematically favour ANO narratives and attack opponents, especially Piráti and the current government.

Our sources also note overlaps between ANO‑friendly channels and broader ecosystems that amplify negative or misleading frames about migration, EU policies and “Prague elites”, though hardcore conspiratorial content is more typical of SPD and fringe portals. Disinformation/alternative‑media DMI risk is medium–high.

Foreign influence and external alignments

ANO’s official foreign‑policy line is pro‑EU membership and pro‑NATO, but Babiš and allies have often used Eurosceptic, anti‑Brussels rhetoric and criticised sanctions or climate measures when they conflict with domestic economic interests. The party has sometimes taken ambiguous positions on Russia and China, oscillating between business pragmatism and alliance commitments.

Although there is no clear evidence of direct Russian or Chinese control, ANO’s concentration of political, economic and media power in one figure has raised EU concerns about corruption and vulnerability to external leverage. Foreign‑influence risk is medium–high.

Media capture, advertising and public service media

ANO is a textbook case of media capture through ownership: its founder’s conglomerate acquired major outlets and used them to shape public opinion while he served as finance minister and prime minister. Even after the formal transfer of assets to trust funds to comply with conflict‑of‑interest law, investigations and EU reports argue that effective control remained.

In government, ANO also influenced appointments at Česká televize and other institutions and used state advertising and state‑owned enterprises’ campaigns in ways critics see as favouring friendly media. Media‑capture DMI risk is high.

Corruption, litigation and institutional integrity

Litigation documents highlight major corruption and conflict‑of‑interest cases linked to ANO and Babiš, including the “Čapí hnízdo” subsidy case and EU audit findings that he benefited financially from EU funds while in office. These controversies, along with concerns about procurement, tax policy and the blurring of public and private interests, underpin EU rule‑of‑law criticism.

While not all cases led to convictions, they reveal structural vulnerabilities when a dominant business owner controls government and key economic sectors. Corruption and institutional‑integrity DMI risk is high.

Press freedom, harassment and treatment of media

Under ANO governments, critical journalists and outlets faced strong verbal attacks, smear campaigns in Babiš‑owned media, and marginalisation from official communication channels. Public‑service media came under intense political pressure, including attempts to reshape their councils and budgets.

Although outright criminalisation of journalism did not occur, the combination of ownership concentration, economic leverage and hostile rhetoric created a chilling environment for independent reporting. Press‑freedom and harassment DMI risk is high.

Dimension	Risk level	Short justification
Disinformation & alternative media	Medium–High	Controls/favours major outlets that systematically push partisan narratives and attacks on opponents.
Foreign influence & external alignments	Medium–High	Formally pro‑EU/NATO but Eurosceptic rhetoric and concentrated economic power raise vulnerability.
Media‑capture & advertising / PSB control	High	Classic case of oligarchic media capture plus influence over PSB governance and state advertising.
Corruption & institutional‑integrity risk	High	Major conflict‑of‑interest and subsidy cases involving Babiš and ANO networks.
Press‑freedom & harassment of media	High	Hostile rhetoric and economic pressure on critical outlets; attempts to politicise PSBs.