Christen-Democratisch en Vlaams (CD&V)
EU RANK: 77 (Tier 2: High Performance)
Christen-Democratisch en Vlaams (CD&V) is a Flemish Christian‑democratic party positioned in the centre of the spectrum, combining social conservatism on some cultural issues with support for the welfare state and European integration. Once the dominant pillar of Flemish politics, its electoral strength has declined in favour of N‑VA and other parties, but it still holds federal and regional seats and remains a potential coalition partner. The party keeps strong roots in local government, civil‑society organisations and Christian social networks.
Disinformation and alternative media
CD&V communicates mainly through mainstream Flemish media, its own website, newsletters and social platforms, and does not operate a dedicated network of alternative outlets pushing conspiratorial narratives. Its messaging focuses on family policy, social security, agriculture, Christian‑inspired ethics and EU policy, framed in institutional and technocratic terms rather than in anti‑system rhetoric. Disinformation mapping in Belgium identifies far‑right and fringe networks as the leading domestic sources of online falsehoods, particularly on migration and identity, while centrist Christian‑democratic parties generally feature as targets or conventional actors in the information space.
CD&V supports Belgian and EU initiatives to counter online disinformation, including fact‑checking partnerships, media‑literacy programmes and platform self‑regulation. There is no evidence of the party running systematic disinformation campaigns. Its disinformation and alternative‑media risk is low.
Foreign influence and external alignments
CD&V is firmly pro‑EU and pro‑NATO, with long‑standing participation in the European People’s Party and support for deeper European cooperation in economic, climate and security policy. It backs EU sanctions and diplomatic pressure on authoritarian regimes and supports EU‑level responses to foreign information manipulation and election interference.
Belgian and EU analyses of foreign information manipulation do not attribute a role to CD&V in enabling such operations; the main concern lies with hostile state actors and their proxies, often intersecting with far‑right and fringe platforms. CD&V’s DMI foreign‑influence risk is therefore low.
Media capture, advertising and public service media
Historically, Christian‑democratic networks in Flanders had strong connections to pillarised media, including newspapers and broadcasters aligned with the Catholic segment, though these structures have weakened over time. Today CD&V has influence through its presence in federal and Flemish governments, control of some local authorities and participation in decisions on VRT governance, media regulation and public advertising, but it does not own major media groups.
The party supports a strong and independent public broadcaster VRT and pluralistic private media, though like other governing parties it has at times favoured sympathetic outlets and figures in board and management appointments. In DMI terms, this translates into a medium media‑capture risk: a structurally influential actor in a concentrated and politicised media landscape, without the aggressive capture profile of more illiberal forces.
Corruption, litigation and institutional integrity
CD&V’s long history in Belgian and Flemish politics includes involvement in various episodes of patronage and local controversies, particularly around inter‑municipal companies and public contracts, reflecting broader systemic issues rather than uniquely party‑specific behaviour. Recent years have seen scrutiny of governance practices across multiple parties, and CD&V has featured in some cases but not as the dominant focus of national‑level corruption scandals.
Party‑funding data show reliance on public subsidies, contributions and limited business ties, with no large‑scale proprietary media or corporate conglomerates under party control. Overall, CD&V’s DMI corruption and institutional‑integrity risk is medium: exposed to structural clientelism and historical practices, but not identified as an outlier compared with other established governing parties.
Press freedom, harassment and treatment of media
CD&V publicly endorses press freedom, independent journalism and the public service remit of VRT. Its representatives occasionally criticise reporting they view as biased or unfair, particularly on rural policy, religion or socio‑economic reforms, but they do not systematically attack journalists as enemies or question the legitimacy of mainstream media.
Concerns about CD&V’s impact on media freedom relate mainly to structural channels—appointments to boards, influence on subsidy schemes and advertising distribution—rather than direct harassment of reporters. Within DMI, the party’s press‑freedom and harassment risk is low–medium, driven by its role in a politicised governance system more than by hostile rhetoric.