Podemos

EU RANK: 115 (Tier 3: Moderate Performance)

Podemos is a left‑populist, radical‑democratic and social‑movement‑rooted party that emerged after the 15‑M protests, advocating expansive welfare, anti‑austerity policies and deep political reforms within a broadly pro‑EU, pro‑rights frame. After participating in the first PSOE‑led coalition government (2020–2023), it has since lost ground to Sumar and now plays a reduced parliamentary role.

Disinformation and alternative media

Podemos relies on mainstream media, friendly digital outlets, and its own social‑media and digital‑TV style channels. It is not at the core of Spain’s (mostly far‑right-led) disinformation ecosystem. Research on 2020–2025 media links finds that large‑scale fabricated‑news campaigns are predominantly run by ultra‑conservative networks that often target Podemos with smear narratives about Venezuela, corruption or “communism”, while the party itself focuses on partisan framing rather than fake‑news operations. Disinformation and alternative‑media DMI risk is moderate (driven by polarising rhetoric and heavy social‑media reliance, not by systematic fabrication).

Foreign influence and external alignments

Podemos is pro‑EU but highly critical of EU economic governance and NATO, has been more sceptical about military spending and some aspects of support to Ukraine, and historically maintained political sympathies with Latin‑American “Bolivarian” governments. Party‑funding studies and court proceedings have probed alleged links to Venezuela and Iran, but investigations have not produced conclusive court‑validated findings of illegal foreign financing in the 2020–2025 period; regular funding is dominated by public subsidies, membership contributions and micro‑donations. Foreign‑influence DMI risk is moderate.

Media capture, advertising and public service media

As junior coalition partner between 2020 and 2023, Podemos exerted some influence on RTVE and public‑communication policy but lacked the institutional depth to build a clientelistic media‑capture system; major ownership and advertising levers remained under broader government and market control. The party has advocated stronger public‑service media, limits on concentration and support for community and alternative outlets, often clashing with dominant private groups rather than capturing them. Media‑capture, advertising and PSB‑control DMI risk is low to moderate (coded moderate because of government leverage over appointments during its time in office).

Corruption, litigation and institutional integrity

Litigation mapping records several high‑profile investigations and media storms around Podemos, covering alleged irregularities in party finances, internal contracts and staff management, but most have ended without major convictions, in contrast to the grand‑corruption macro‑cases centred on PP and some regional machines. The party has internal transparency and salary‑limit rules, yet internal conflicts, opaque consultancy contracts and leadership centralisation have raised questions about governance standards and contributed to reputational damage. Corruption and institutional‑integrity DMI risk is moderate.

Press freedom, harassment and treatment of media

Podemos leaders routinely criticise large private media groups, accusing them of bias and oligarchic control, and have encouraged supporters to confront hostile coverage online, which has at times contributed to hostile climates for specific journalists. However, systematic SLAPP‑style litigation or state‑driven regulatory attacks against media have not been a central governing tool; conflicts are mostly rhetorical, with some boycotts of outlets and preference for alternative platforms. Press‑freedom and harassment DMI risk is moderate.

Dimension	Risk level	Short justification
Disinformation & alternative media	Moderate	Heavy social‑media and partisan‑digital use with polarising rhetoric; main fake‑news hubs are hostile far‑right networks, not run by Podemos.
Foreign influence & external alignments	Moderate	Critical of NATO/EU economic policy and historic ties to Bolivarian actors; probes into foreign funding but no conclusive illegal‑financing verdicts.
Media capture & advertising / PSB control	Moderate	Some influence on RTVE and communication while in government, but no structural capture of major media conglomerates.
Corruption & institutional integrity risk	Moderate	Multiple investigations and internal‑governance controversies without large grand‑corruption convictions.
Press freedom & harassment of media	Moderate	Aggressive critiques of major media and online supporter mobilisation, yet limited use of SLAPPs or state repression.